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AN APPEAL 



THE A-MERICi^N PEOPLE 



A PROTEST 



AGAINST 



THE ^MERIOi^N PEOPLE 



TOGETHER WITH 



THREE LETTERS 



IN REFERENCE TO THE GEEAT AMERICAN QUESTION, 



PEACE OR WAR. 



TORONTO: 
W, C. CHEWETT & CO., PRINTERS, 17 <fe 19 KING STREET EAST. 

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AN APPEAL 

TO THE AMERICAN' PEOPLE AND THE CIVILIZED WORLD 



IN REFERENCE TO 



THE GREAT QUESTION OF THE DAY, " PEACE OR WAR." 



Whereas the American people have already made prodigious efforts to 
" conquer a peace/' with all the terrible and destructive implements of 
modern warfare, during the past two years : and whereas these efforts have 
not had the desired effect, as yet : and whereas it is not absolutely certain 
that these efforts ever will have the desired effect, however prolonged and 
obstinately maintained they may be (the experience of the last two years 
having demonstrated that " the race is not always to the swift, nor the battle 
to the strong) : it becomes the bounden duty of the intelligent and humane 
public, in America and the civilized world, to consider whether there may 
not be some other means of settling this dispute, otherwise than by lighting 
it out with sword and cannon. 

The simplest and most obvious mode of terminating a quarrel dr dispute 
is to concede or give up " the bone of contention," should it prove not to be 
worth fighting for. 

In applying this rule to the present question, an intelligent Northerner 
will immediately exclaim " What ! Give up the Union. Make an uncondi- 
tional surrender of the very thing which we have all been fighting for, and 
which has already cost us so much blood and treasure during the last two 
years?'' I answer, no; not an unconditional surrender; for then were all 
this blood and treasure spent and wasted in vain. The Northern people and 
the civilized world have a right to demand some compensating advantages 
for all the sacrifices they have made during the past two years. The com- 
pensating advantage is nothing less than the utter eradication of slavery and 
oppression, wherever it exists upon the surface of this world of ours. The 
breaking of every yoke. It is time now that every creature having the form 
of a man should be free. Man alone, of all created beings, is susceptible of 
indefinite improvement and advancement, socially, intellectually and morally. 
Therefore man, now, at this age of the world, is far too precious to be used 



as a slave, as a mere animal, or as a machine. Have we not animals enough ? 
Let us raise more ! They cost much less than men, and are Physically much 
more powerful. Have we not machinery enough ? Let us invent and manu- 
facture more ! We have already proved that nothing in this respect is 
impossible to us. The public have only to declare that it requires a machine 
adapted to any useful and practical purpose whatever, and it is now positively 
certain that some one will soon be found to invent this machine, and others 
to manufacture it. Past experience proves this. Therefore, since our God 
is so liberal with us as to give us unlimited control over all the elements in 
and about our earth, so that nothing is impossible for us ; no mechanical 
power beyond our reach, so soon as we require it ; let us in like manner be 
equally liberal towards our fellow men. Let us ^' break every yoke, and let 
the oppressed go free.^' 

The American people residing in the Southern States are not more 
enlightened than we are at the north, therefore we cannot reasonably expect 
them willingly to make what will appear to them a very great sacrifice 
indeed, unless we on our part set them a good example, by making the 
greatest sacrifices which can be expected from us. As for these past two 
years, they at the South have poured out their blood like water, and hesi- 
tated at no sacrifice whatever in fighting for their own independence. Why ! 
Let them have it. They deserve that at least, if they will only concede to 
others what they demand for themselves, by granting independence also to 
their slaves. But the intelligent Southerner will naturally reply, that he 
has been fighting not only for independence for himself, but also in defence 
of his right to retain his slaves, which are almost his sole dependence, his 
only property ; that if the institution and perpetuation of slavery has been a 
disgrace to the age, the Southerner is no more to be blamed than the 
Northerner. Slavery has not only been countenanced by the great bulk of 
the North, but the largest share of the profits (such as they were) fell to the 
North. Therefore it is but just that the North should do their share 
towards compensating the South for the immediate loss which they will 
undoubtedly sustain by releasing all their slaves. 

The North have three strong inducements to lead them to agree to do 
their share towards compensating the South, should they on their part agree 
to free their slaves. 

The first is, that it is but just that they should bear their part of the 
expense, as they have already reaped their share of the profits. 

The second is that, as a matter of finance or commercial policy, it would 
be much less expensive to agree to pay their share towards compensating the 
South for the immediate loss of their slave property, than it would be to 



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fo^ce the South to free their slaves, or even to submit to the Union again, by 
force of arms. 

The third is that, slavery once eradicated, the great barrier between North 
and South is broken down ; and however much separated we may be for 
the present, our commercial and social interest and advantage will most 
certainly ultimately lead us willingly and cordially to unite again. 

It will be obvious to the intelligent reader, that if the " bone of conten- 
tion" is thus given up on these terms, we shall have present peace and future 
union ; and all the blood and treasure which the war has already cost will 
not have been spent in vain. For the world will thereby have been led to 
take one great step in social, intellectual and moral progress. 



Heney Wentwoeth Monk. 



St. Nicholas Hotel, Broadway, 

New York, 30th March, 1863. 



A PROTEST 

AGAINST THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, 

FOR STILL PERSISTING IN ENDEAVOURING " TO CONQUER A PEACE' 
BY FORCE OF ARMS, 

INSTEAD OF SETTLING THIS DISPUTE WISELY, JUSTLY AND EQUITABLY, 

IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE FOREGOING APPEAL. 



"Whereas an appeal, simple and comprehensive, short and intelligible, has 
now been made to the American people, to cease to endeavour to settle the 
great American question of the day by brute force, after the manner of 
irrational creatures, and to begin now to endeavour to settle this question 
equitably, justly, reasonably and wisely, after the manner of ra^iowaZ creatures. 

And whereas it is foreseen that the American people are not yet prepared 
to receive and act in accordance with wise counsels in reference to the settle- 
ment of this great question. 

I do hereby solemnly protest against the American people, in the name of 
the just, righteous and merciful God (who would willingly save mankind 
from all unnecessary suffering), that if they shall still persist in endeavouring 
to " conquer a peace" by force of arms, after this warning, that they will 
have to thank themselves and themselves alone for all the evil that they shall 
thus bring upon themselves. For " as the vessels of a potter shall they be 
broken to shivers.'' God will cause them to be divided against themselves ; 
party against party — " ruler against ruler" — " every man's sword against 
his fellow" as it were — so that confusion and anarchy and insecurity of life 
and property shall prevail, instead of order and security. 

This I do now foresee, and this I do now foretell. Not that I have any 
hopes of the American people, that they will now regard either this protest 
or this appeal ; but that hereafter, when these my words shall be fulfilled, 
and when what I have here foretold shall actually have come to pass, so that 
this my view shall no longer appear " a matter of opinion" but " a matter of 
fact." Then I would wish that the most intelligent and best disposed among 
the remnant of the American people may know in whom they can have 
confidence, to unite again for the preservation and salvation of what may yet 
remain of the American people. 

Henry Wentworth Monk. 

St. Nicholas Hotel, Broadway, 

New York, 31st March, 1863. 



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THREE LETTERS 

IN REFERENCE TO THE GREAT AMERICAN QUESTION. 



Georgeville, Township op Stanstead, C. E., 

^th March, 1863. 

To,_ _ 

Toronto. 

I have decided to send you a copy of a couple of letters, which I lately 
posted to New York. You will perceive that their object is to make a begin- 
ning towards establishing a just and equitable basis, upon which we may hope 
that a peaceful arrangement may ultimately be made between the two con- 
tending parties of the American people. 

Let the great bulk of intelligent men throughout America and the civilized 
world once agree together in determining upon " a Easis," which the common 
sense of unprejudiced and impartial men must acknowledge to be just and 
equal ; and there is no doubt that their influence would soon create a public 
opinion which would soon force the combatants to lay down their arms, and 
seek to arrange their differences by measures less brutal and more God-like. 

Men are not mere brute beasts, who have no other means of settling a 
difference than by fighting it out like so many dogs. God has given us reason 
and judgment which is undoubtedly perfect, just so far as it is enlightened. 
If then we are the enlightened people which we profess ourselves to be, why 
then should we continue to behave ourselves as dogs and heathens naturally 
do ? and not as civilized and enlightened (not to say christian) men should 
behave themselves. 

If there is a difference between man and man, do we consider them justi- 
fied in doing their utmost to murder each other, or to rob and destroy the 
property of each other ? or do we justify small companies or communities of 
men either, if they seek to redress their grievances by such methods ? Why 
then should we tolerate any longer such brutality, when large communities 
or nations differ ? 

Up to this time, before any nations had arrived at the stage which is called 
enlightened, we have been compelled to tolerate much which was brutal ; but 
we need do so no longer now ; for now " the voice of the people'' is in reality 
as "the voice of God." It has but to "speak and it is done" — to make 
itself heard and it is obeyed. 



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To this voice, tten, let us appeal for an equitable and peaceful adjustment 
of the differences which threaten to lead to the destruction of one of the fore- 
most (if not the foremost) of the nations, and myriads of the finest men of 
our race. 

Neither let the public opinion of the civilized world lose much time in 
making itself heard ; for though it would be all-powerful now (while the 
frenzy which always attends war is confined to the American people, the rest 
of the civilized world still remaining, as yet, comparatively cool and reason- 
able) yet should the chief of the European nations, by some untoward accident, 
become involved in this desperate struggle, the frenzy of war would of course 
extend to them also, and a reasonable and powerful public opinion would be 
no longer possible. The " still small voice" of wisdom might then seek in 
vain to be heard. Amid the excitement of passion and the din of war, none 
would then hear or regard either wisdom or reason or common sense, until 
the cities of the whole civilized world, both in Europe and America were 
heaps of ruins. It needs no prophet to foretell this! Therefore let the 
intelligent public be wise in time, and make its voice heard, before this fear- 
ful and unprecedented conflagration (which already envelopes the American 
nation) spreads any further. 

Henry Wentworth Monk. 



Georgeville, Township of Stanstead, C. E., 

Ath Marchf 1863. 

To Messrs. Fowler and Wells, 

iVettJ York, 

On the other side of this you will see a copy of a letter which was written 
and posted to the New York Tribune on the 27th ult. As it is quite possible 
that this paper may be so trammelled by party considerations as to be unable 
to give to the world views which may possibly lead to the salvation of your 
country, and the great advantage of the world generally, I thought it 
would be as well to send you a copy, as I know you to be exceedingly 
liberal publishers, who regard the real interest of your country at large more 
than the apparent interest of a particular party. 

I need not comment upon the letter, for you have only to read it over 
carefully two or three times, and you will find that it speaks for itself, and 
offers to the American people a basis upon which a permanent peace can be 
re-established upon this continent. 



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Of course tnatiy minor considerations are not even alluded to in ttis lettef, 
because such considerations would soon have swelled this letter into huge 
proportions. It would have been a volume, not a letter. Nevertheless, the 
main argument and point is all condensed into this little letter. The basis 
for a peaceful arrangement is undoubtedly there, and that is all that was 
essential for the present* 

This basis must be published, that the voice of the AmericaU people and 
of the civilized world may have the opportunity to try it, and either uphold 
it or condemn it, and find a more equitable basis Upon which to re-establish 
peace again. For why should the American people be swept from the face 
of the earth ? They have hitherto benefited the world incalculably I They 
have given food to the hungry !— liberty to the oppressed ! They have led 
the way in god-like triumphs of skill in rendering the elements of our earth 
obedient to the will of man ! even to the compelling of the lightning to b^ 
our messenger, to bear intelligence from nation to nation, from city to city, 
and from man to man ! Is such a people to be allowed to destroy itself 
utterly in a moment of frenzied passion 1 If not, they now have a most 
favorable opportunity of showing their superiority to the rest of the world by 
inaugurating a new era, in which passion, even in the heat of war, shall be 
made subservient to the god-like reason which man possesses, and which was 
originally intended to rule over all his passions (not excepting either " love 
or war." 

Very truly yours, 

Henry Wentworth Monk. 



Georgeville, Township of Stanstead, C. E., 

Tiih February, 1863. 

To Horace Greeley, 

Editor of the New York Tribune, 

Sir, — I have been occupying myself lately in trying to discover if there is 
any peaceful solution to the great problem, which the sword has hitherto, it 
appears, attempted in vain to solve. 

At the very outset a great difficulty presents itself. In these mighty 
struggles between millions of men an appeal to reason or justice is seldom 
fairly made. Far from this : in general the passions of the contending parties 
are so fully aroused that they regard nothing, and are satisfied with nothing 



10 

but victory or defeat. So long as these passions prevail, there seems to be 
nothing for it, but to let great armies destroy each other, and desolate their 
country. 

Could we hope that reason would be listened to, even now, at this stage of 
the great contest, would it not surely appear to be much better for each of 
the contending parties to make one great sacrifice rather than persist in pro- 
secuting this desolating war to the bitter end. 

Suppose that the North has but this one more great effort to make, and 
that then the South shall lie helpless and bleeding at its mercy— conquered 
by the sword ! can we reasonably hope that the hearts of the people of the 
South shall then be turned to the Northern people so as to be one with them, 
any more than this was so when New Orleans was captured by force of arms ? 
Have we not rather much more reason to suppose that if the South is con- 
quered and subdued by force of arms, that it will have to be retained in sub- 
jection by force of arms also ? And then farewell to the freedom which has 
been, up to this time, the glorious boast of America ! In what respect shall 
we then be better off than the European nations ? Shall we not then also 
have large standing armies, burdensome debts, and enormous taxation, &c. 

If, on the other hand, it should be among the possible events that the 
South (which has already resisted the North much longer than most of us 
thought possible) should contrive to continue this resistance until the North 
is wearied, what have we then ? Nothing but a contest temporarily given up 
from sheer exhaustion on both sides ; most probably to be renewed again and 
again, upon slight provocation, as often as the combatants shall have regained 
their strength a little. 

Thus you may perceive how that (to one not carried along by the passions 
raised by this mortal struggle between the two divisions of your great nation) 
there seems to be nothing for us to hope for so long as the sword and the 
sword alone decides this contest. Perhaps this may not be so : nevertheless 
it is at least possible that this may be so; and in that case it were well to 
determine upon what terms it might be possible for both parties to consent 
to lay down their arms. 

Of course it is utterly impossible to satisfy the desire of both parties to 
the full extent, when they are at direct issue with each other. The one 
insisting upon union at all hazards and at every cost, and the other equally 
determined upon a disunion. But though they cannot both have what they 
desire in this respect, yet both parties may have peace with all its blessings 
ao-ain, if they really desire this, and are each willing to make a very great 
sacrifice for the sake of this peace. Yet great as this sacrifice will be, it will 
not be near so great as the sacrifices that they will be called upon to make 



II 

should they persist in carrying on this contest by the aivord to the uttermost. 
Neither will this sacrifice be too great for either party to make for the sake 
of a permanent peace. 

Let the North be magnanimous ! Let the South be free, on condition that 
they free their slaves. 

Thus each may make a very great sacrifice for the sake of present peace 
and future great advantage. The North may reconcile itself to this sacrifice 
by the reflection, that no peace or union could be permanent so long as 
slavery existed. But slavery (the direct or indirect cause of their present 
great trouble) being rooted out, permanent union at any future time is not 
only possible, but extremely probable, according as the people on this conti- 
nent shall find it for their mutual interest and advantage to be united. And 
in the mean time, the South being nominally or really a separate people on 
one side of the still great United States, would be no more injury to them 
than the Canadas now are on the other. 

The South also might reconcile herself to the great sacrifice required on 
her part, by the consideration that it is better to yield icillingly and nohhj 
now, for the sake of peace and humanity, than to have to yield hereafter, 
when sooner or later the whole civilized world might insist upon it. Besides 
the inconvenience of the sacrifice would be only temporary. The slaves 
would either soon make good servants, or machinery would soon be contrived 
which would be made to do the work of a great many of them. 

I have now done my part. I have communicated my idea. It remains 
for you to give it to the world for as much as it is worth, and let it bo 
objected to or improved on. In the mean time, 

I remain very truly yours, 

Henry Wentworte Monk 



PRIKTED AT THR STEAM PRESS ESTABLISAMENT OF 
XT. C. CHEWETT t CO., 17 k 19 KINO STREET EAST, TORONTO. 



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Original sent to Her Majesty, and copies posted to the Archbishop of 

Canterbury, the Bishop of London, the Houses of Parliament, Sir Moses 

Montefiore, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Lord Mayor, and others. 

THE PROPHET TO THE QUEEN. 



Daughter of England ! in the time of Jonah, the King of Nineveh 
and his Nobles proclaimed a fast unfeigned unto the Lord of heaven and 
earth. 

And, Lady Victoria, seeing the fall of London openly published in 
her own journals, the multitude of her sins printed in paper for the 
Synagogues and Churches of this great City : 

Wilt not thou, O Queen, lay aside thy robe, cover thee with sack- 
cloth, and command that a day of restraint be sanctified before God ? 

For behold, the messenger of the Lord, that foretold the death of 
Nicolaus of Kussia, of war, pestilence, and famine, is sent to you the 
Sovereign of these Islands of the Sea. 

Wherefore, call a solemn assembly of the Bishops, Ministers and 
Councillors of State, and lay before them this message, that the nation 
may know the eternal JEHOVAH can execute his threatenings. 

For if ye be proud and take not warning, this people's blood shall 
be upon you, for ye are our witnesses that we have delivered unto you the 
charge of the Lord. 

SHEMAJAH DE GILMOll. 
London, January WtJi, 1857. 

THE FAST PROCLAIMED AFTER A TIME. 



" Are ye slaves of the state, or servants of God ? " 

THE PR0PHF1 TO THE BISHOPS. 



Lo ! I am here a Missionary among jSIinisters, the messenger of the 
LORD of Hosts to the citizens of London. 

Publishing to the Sabbath Congregations the sins of London and 
her judgment, imprinted on the doors and walls of their Synagogues and 
Churches. 

Behold, in your days, the Ambassador of the KING eternal, presents 
his holy credentials to the Sovereign of a people, which are gone away 
backward. 

He calls a nation to repentance before the decree bring forth : Alas, 
that well favoured England should be in peril of invasion ; that London 
should hear withiu her streets the sound of the trumpet, the alarm of 
War ! 

Wherefore, O ye shepherds, warn the faithful of your flocks, multiply 
the number of the righteous, for, the intent of prophesying and of preach- 
ing is, to save the cities and the souls of men. 

SHEMAJAH DE GILMOR, 

The Queen's Seer, 
Eurdon's Hotel, Whitecross Street, London. 

London, February, 9^^., 1857. 

THE BISHOPS MOVED TO ACT I^'I)EPENnENTLY, AND MANY DID SO. 



THE SINS OF LONDON, Mc> 

As published ill the Public Journals, and imprinted on the doors and walls 
of Five Synagogues and Sixty-three Churches of England, in London, on 
Saturday night, for the Sabbath Congregations; and copies sent to the 
Bishops, Clergy, Queen, Nobles of piety, and to both Houses of Parliament, 
Ambassadors, and Foreigners, in the year 1856. 

A GAIN the word of the Lord came unto me, saying, Son of Man, 
-^ shew London her abominations. 

1. \\\ the midst of it, her merchants go after Mammon: the traders 

have false balances, and deceitful weights. 

2. The priests teach for hire, exalting themselves : the foolish inter- 

preters of prophecy divine for gain. 

3. Her magistrates judge for reward: the lawyers burthen ; truth and 

equity are not in their courts. 

4. Thy physicians are of no value ; they practise abortion, killing with 

opiates : thine apothecaries sell poisons. 

5. In thee the rich defile their neighbours' wives; the poor murder 

children, losing soids for burial money. 

6. Your young men assemble in harlots' houses : they commit whore- 

dom, and shameless uncleanness. 

7. Her watchmen corrupt the maidens of servantry : the police forswear 

themselves, and their force is not right. 

8. The glutton in his excess of meats, the drunkard in his vomit, mock 

at moderation and prayer. 

9. Thy midnight thieves, the dicing gamester, and idle cards, make 

London a reproach unto the heathen. 

10. In thee the son dishonoureth his fiither, the daughter riseth up 

against her mother, the sister is humbled. 

11. The sabbaths of the Lord are polluted: the profane walk through 

her streets despising holiness. 

12. Books of fiction are preferred to pages of truth : lying newspapers 

to pulpit sermons preached in power. 

13. Her churches are forsaken : the wicked rebel against the Most High: 

they liave trodden down his righteous. 

14. In thy synagogues are Jews that worship the scroll of the law : but 

not Jh:HOVAH, the God of Jacob. 

15. The rulers of the nation trust in the shadow of France: they pro- 

claimed a fast unto the Lord. 
IG. But behold, killing of sheep and slaying of oxen: revelKngs, ban- 
quetings, and liypocrisy. 

17. In thee are women contrary to Nature, yea, men witli men working 

that which is unseemly. 

18. Sodom hath not done so wickedly as thou and thy daughters; every 

man of Belial in dark chambers. 

19. Shall I not visit these ? saith the Almighty Lord : shall I not be 

avenged on such a city as this ? 

20. Set yourselves in array against London, ye armies of aliens; lo, I 

will send a fire : 

21. In your time, Queen Victoria, it shall devour her palaces, with 

shouting in the day of battle. 

22. And ye shall know that I the Lord have poured out my fury upon 

you. 

SHEMAJAH DE GILMOR. 
Re-piMisJied in London^ Tehruary, 1857, and in 
January, 1859, and in March^ 18G2. 



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